It was always predictable. As I wrote when Corbyn was elected, it would only be a matter of time before the coup would take place and the aftermath of Brexit was the opportune moment. He managed a year at least, though with a constant barrage of both internal and external criticism it is amazing it lasted so long. It has to be admitted that the ministers Corbyn appointed did a fine, Oscar-worthy job of pretending to be supportive and perhaps lulled even Jeremy into believing that they were behind the alternative politics he wanted to usher-in last summer.
There are two Labour parties within the ‘Labour Party’, but the chasm has grown and it is the rubble left over from New Labour who seem to believe they are the legitimate party and that Jeremy Corbyn is a throwback who ended up in his present position through a freak accident. Corbyn’s Supporters (especially Momentum) are of the opposite opinion that it is the New Labourites who were always the infiltrators (let’s just call them ‘traitors’ for short) and who divorced the party from its core values and its history as the party of the working masses and the downtrodden and the party of social justice. Of course the New Labourites also claim to represent those values, even though they abolished clause 4 and wholeheartedly embraced fat-cat capitalism and the dirty politics that goes hand-in-hand with it.
David Cameron was revelling in Corbyn’s misery at the despatch box today. Piling on the blame for the Brexit vote (even though he was the one who both promised and initiated the referendum). Clearly he enjoyed kicking a man when he is down. “For heaven’s sake, man. Go!” Cameron bellowed from the despatch box, as his allies in the recently-retired Labour cabinet no doubt cheered him on. Easy words from a man who let the Europe vote slip away by not succinctly pointing out that his associates (Johnson, Gove, Duncan-Smith) told lies about Brexit funds being put into the NHS (something canny voters ought to have been able to work out themselves). Cameron himself has never been completely accepted by his own party – seen as a centrist by the more right-wing elements of the Tory rabble. He slipped into governance and Premiership on the back of a hung parliament and then a scraped though for his current tenure. This man is a fraud.
The Labour traitors may have begun their coup, but they are kneecapped by the same system that helped get Jeremy Corbyn elected the first time around. That, along with the large amount of mainstream support Corbyn has among the wider party membership, may leave them looking like fools for a second time. Angela Eagle should have saved those crocodile tears because it might not be believable the second time around. And yet… what is the point of a leader with a large mandate when he is surrounded by people who won’t serve in a cabinet under him? The stage is set for some interesting developments.
If age is not on your side you might well remember the 1982 novel by Chris Mullins to which this post’s title alludes. A solidly left-wing and principled leader of the Labour Party becomes prime minister and sets in motion a cabal of secret service agents, high-level mandarins and establishment aristocrats conspiring to plot his downfall.
Well…Jeremy Corbin isn’t quite that far, but he seems set to do a version of it within the Labour Party. Those ‘senior figures’ within Labour – like Harriet Harmon and most of Corbyn’s other current competitors – rather shot themselves in the foot when they initiated the ‘open forum’ that allowed Jeremy Corbyn to be propelled into the front running position he now occupies. His core supporters are firmly rooted in the values of what is now called Old Labour, as a contrast to New Labour, that banal and mediocre media transformation atop the policy transformation that saw Blair and Co., shift the party firmly in line with dominant neo-liberal ideology. Whatever New Labour is supposed to represent its very existence attempts to drop the guillotine on the party’s prior history, declaring its entire raison d’etre to be outmoded and out of line with the politics (though in truth they mean the economic hegemony) of the modern world.
Jeremy Corbyn has taken to the podium to tell us that this is nonsense, and he has a lot of willing listeners. These are not just disgruntled old pre-Kinnock Labourites, they are young people too; those who may have voted for Blair in 1997, or who were too young to vote and really are ‘Blair’s children’. What they all share is the disillusionment produced from those three Labour governments that oversaw monumental lies leading to war, a near-complete hollowing-out of social infrastructure, financial corruption and ending ignominiously in financial meltdown. Not content with having presided over this, the very same repertory of rotating faces is now trying to pretend that they offer something different. These are people who served in Blair governments and were touted as the new faces of New Labour. The Blair coup fully integrated the view that there is one way to win elections (because this is all they care about) and that is to court plutocrats and media-moguls and rub-shoulders, in a friendly way, with the people and institutions that Labour as a party was created to moderate.
In his book Feeding Frenzy Will Self remarked that “Never before has style so fantastically glossed substance.” That was New Labour’s real legacy for politics, a media realignment achieved by a full-scale in-house demolition project. Instead of holding principles and damn the media, the line was taken that it is the media that wins an election. It is the media that shapes public opinion and any party seeking office has to be in line with the ideological interests that now saturate the corporate media. In 1997 it was tempting to believe that some sacrifice was worth it just to end Tory rule and perhaps undo at least some of the damage of their privatisation frenzy and corporate cronyism. Never was an electorate so misguided as in 1997.
In Chris Mullins’s book the protagonist is a character modelled upon Tony Benn who at the time had just lost the deputy leadership to Denis Healy (by 1%) and had come in fourth in the leadership contest of 1976. Like Corbyn now, Tony Benn was always popular with grass roots Labour activists, but his fate in terms of leadership positions shows just how difficult it is for a principled politician to secure the position that directs the party; let alone capture the wide support that leads to 10 Downing Street. Generation upon generation of the regular voting public has been persuaded that anyone like Tony Benn is ‘bad for business’ and business (specifically dancing to its tune) is really all that matters. Under this supposed home truth everything has to be sacrificed to market ideology, or in reality a hegemony of massive corporations, banking giants and other financial institutions who cajole and blackmail any government not following orders. More usually its representatives hop back and forth between boardroom and Westminster. Tony Benn kept his principles and eventually became a back bench ‘voice of reason’ and fierce critic. Jeremy Corbyn has already been a back bench voice of reason and fierce critic for some time, so it’s interesting to see his ascent.
Radio 4’s The Report recently produced a programme about the ‘Corbyn effect’ and looked at the sorts of people supporting his leadership bid. It focused on two young people, essentially disillusioned young people produced during the Blair era who see those years in much the same way my generation saw Thatcher; which is a poor show indeed for the Labour Party. My generation also saw a Labour Party out of office for nearly twenty years, but at the time, despite the desperation and dashed hope, it mattered that you took a genuine stand rather than buying into the club just to be able to make some paltry difference, like New Labour eventually did.
If Jeremy Corbyn wins, the Labour Party will have a crisis on its hands because the rest of the shadow cabinet is largely made up of Blairites or Blair-lites who have fully signed up to the so-called new paradigm of British politics. The middle-class voters wooed to Labour by Blair (those who haven’t already gone back either to the Conservatives or onwards to UKIP) are a new generation of people who have no clue about class or a ‘right-left divide’ because they’ve been weaned on a culture of individualism and personal consumption of everything including political needs. It remains to be seen if enough damage has been done by Thatcher-Blair-Cameron to have pushed these people far enough, through austerity, housing shortages, unemployment and political corruption, to be able to accept a principled left-wing Labour Leader as man whose vision they can share. In Mullins’s book the status quo is maintained and his hero is removed by the establishment.